Emily Meehan – Cities, Suburbs & Schools Project at Trinity College

The Debate Over Who Could Occupy World War II Public Housing in West Hartford

January 24, 2014May 15, 2014Emily Meehan

This essay was developed in the Cities Suburbs & Schools seminar in Fall 2013 and published in Jan 2014 by ConnecticutHistory.org. See other Trinity student essays.

Oakwood Acres temporary housing, West Hartford, 1954. This photo was taken a decade after the debate – Hartford Times Collection, Hartford History Center, Hartford Public Library and Connecticut History Online

In 1943, a dispute erupted between West Hartford residents and federal housing officials over whether or not African Americans should be allowed to live in the World War II public housing tract called Oakwood Acres. During this period, public housing tracts were created to shelter the many war workers and their families drawn to the Hartford area by the availability of defense-related jobs. The United States government funded these developments; therefore, local housing officials needed to abide by federal laws regarding occupancy. Federal Housing authorities eventually did require West Hartford to admit African Americans; however, town residents and leaders prevailed by specifying residency criteria in such a way as to maintain the demographic makeup of their virtually all-white community. Racist actions such as these, even when they occurred decades ago, have been factors in shaping the present-day demographics of West Hartford and other towns in the state.

Headline from the December 16, 1943 Metropolitan News (West Hartford)

War Industry Jobs Create Demand for Housing
The advent of World War II brought significant changes to a country that had been in the grip of a deep financial depression. Across the nation, as people moved into cities looking for jobs in wartime defense industries, demand for housing soared. Often, that demand far exceeded the availability of properties to purchase or even rent. In 1940, President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the United States Congress established the United States Housing Authority (USHA) and authorized it to build public housing units with the goal of providing adequate living quarters for war workers.

An influx of war laborers, both white and African American, and their families came to the greater Hartford area in the 1940s. They worked in defense factories, such as the Pratt & Whitney Machine Tool plant and the newer Pratt & Whitney Aircraft Company. As a result, housing options were limited in the Hartford area. By August of 1943, 8,000 new housing units had been developed in Hartford and New Britain to accommodate the growing population. These apartment-style homes were built under the Hartford Housing Association (HHA) and paid for with federal funding from the USHA.

According to a 1943 Hartford Courant report, “Connecticut has about half of all the government war housing constructed in New England. Half of the government housing in this state has been put up in the Hartford-New Britain area….” With these statistics, one might think that workers’ need for housing in Greater Hartford had been met. However, families and single African American war workers found it more difficult to procure homes. The Courant noted that “400 housing units for white in-migrant families” were being constructed and, in “the case of Negroes,” it was thought that “temporary dormitories” might be built if additional government grants could be obtained. Berkley Cox, chairman of the HHA called this situation “satisfactory.”

The Fight to Keep African Americans Out of Oakwood Acres
One unit developed under the HHA was the Oakwood Acres Housing Tract. Located on Oakwood Avenue in West Hartford, it spanned the area between St. Charles Street and Seymour Avenue. Contemporary descriptions present the Oakwood Acres’ living spaces as new, simplistic, and affordable. In 1943, only 14 out of the 300 apartments in the building were occupied at a time when many African Americans either had no place to live or could only find substandard accommodations. The federal government planned to use the complex to provide housing for these workers and their families.

Comparison of the location of Oakwood Acres Housing Tract in 1951 vs 2013 – Neighborhood Change in Connecticut, 1934 to Present – University of Connecticut Libraries, Map and Geographic Information Center (MAGIC)

Because the government funded Oakwood Acres, the unit needed to abide by federal law, which stated that officials could not legally reject African Americans applying for housing. West Hartford homeowners, living near Oakwood Acres, were quoted in a September 1943 issue of the Metropolitan News as being “alarmed” and “horrified” at the idea of “Negroes” living in their neighborhood. One woman said she and her family would move out the day after any African Americans moved in. The paper itself described the situation in harsh, racist language, calling it an “infiltration,” and reported the prevailing sentiment among community homeowners as being: “We don’t want them here.” The consensus among West Hartford realtors and homeowners, the newspaper reported, was that real estate values would show “an immediate and sharp” drop if “Negroes in any considerable number moved into town.”

Furiously, homeowners wrote to the HHA and West Hartford Housing Authority (WHHA) asking if African Americans would indeed be admitted to Oakwood Acres. When the Hartford Courant posed the question to WHHA chairman Richard F. Jones, he equivocated, saying, “I won’t say we are and I won’t say we’re not going to admit Negroes…. At the present time that is a topic we’d rather not publicize too much.” This prompted West Hartford residents to send petitions to their senators, Francis Maloney and John A Danaher, and congressman, William Miller. Miller responded that he would look into the issue.

The United States Housing Authority responded with an ultimatum. They stated that it was unlawful to exclude occupants from Oakwood Acres based on race. Local housing officials were advised that unless the race restrictions were lifted, the federal government would step in. Under this decision, African Americans would be admitted if they applied for a unit. This angered many West Hartford homeowners, prompting the town’s housing officials to find a loophole. They decided to accept applications only from “Negroes with essential West Hartford industry jobs.” Officials made this ruling knowing that, at the time, only six African American families fit this criterion—and they had not expressed interest in living in Oakwood Acres. Ultimately, with this restrictive technicality in place, no African American war workers moved into the housing tract. The white West Hartford housing officials and their supporters had trumped the federal government. They found a way to circumvent federal guidelines and discourage African Americans from living in publicly-funded housing with the town’s borders.

Aftermath
In 1956, Oakwood Acres was demolished. It had become dilapidated and the people of West Hartford feared it made their neighborhood look like a “slum.” By destroying the unit, West Hartford also erased the physical remnants of this racist chapter in the town’s housing history. Today, West Hartford remains a predominately white community. One can argue that its demographics have been shaped, in part, by discriminatory housing practices of which the standoff over Oakwood Acres is but one example.

Emily Meehan, a sophomore at Trinity College during the 2013-2014 academic year, is an Educational Studies major and a resident of Duxbury, Massachusetts.

Learn more

Books:
Dougherty, Jack, and colleagues. On the Line: How Schooling, Housing, and Civil Rights Shaped Hartford and Its Suburbs. Hartford, CT: Trinity College, 2011. Link.

Szylvian, Kristin M. “The Federal Housing Program During World War II.” In From Tenements to the Taylor Homes: In Search of an Urban Housing Policy in Twentieth-Century America. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000.

Articles:
“1877 Worker Visits New Tool Plant.” Hartford Courant. August 14, 1943, sec. ProQuest – Hartford Courant Historical Newspaper database – Available through iCONN.org. Link.

“Housing Official Noncommittal on Racial Question.” Hartford Courant. October 21, 1943, sec. ProQuest – Hartford Courant Historical Newspaper database – Available through iCONN.org. Link.

“Housing Reaches 8000 Mark in City and New Britain.” Hartford Courant. August 14, 1943, sec. ProQuest – Hartford Courant Historical Newspaper database – Available through iCONN.org. Link.

Dennis Parker’s Reflection

November 10, 2013Emily Meehan

At the luncheon for the One Nation Indivisible school integration conference, “Where Integration Meets Innovation”, a panel of speakers explained the massive strides that have been taken towards educational equality in Hartford as a result of the Sheff v. O’Neill lawsuit. Panel members also spoke about how although decades progress have been made, the Sheff team, along with the city of Hartford, still has a lot of work ahead of them. A particular member of the panel who spoke of these conflicting emotions was Dennis Parker, who has been an attorney for the Sheff plaintiffs for nineteen years.

Parker explained that his team is in the midst of making very stressful, and confidential, negotiations for the case. He remarked on how during taxing times of case, he finds it important to reflect on “what Sheff means.” To do this, Parker brought the audience back to 1989 when the lawsuit was just beginning. He explained the major wealth disparities that existed in Connecticut at the time. Connecticut, the wealthiest state, with some of the most prestigious suburbs and schools in the nation, was also home to three of the nations poorest regions: Hartford, Bridgeport, and New Haven. One of the major issues with such imbalance, Parker said, was that the school systems in those these areas reflected the poverty of the regions. Students in the thriving suburbs benefited from rounded educations, and were given opportunities that students in Hartford, New Haven, and Bridgeport would not receive.

Since then, major progress has been made. Not only has magnet school enrollment increased, but the quality of such magnet schools are better than some may have imagined. Parker said, “Now everyone in the region has the opportunity to go to incredible magnet schools.” The Sheff team is closer than ever to fulfilling their goal of 41% of Hartford students being enrolled in desegregated schools.

Parker recognized that even once Sheff reaches its goal, there will still be many students in segregated settings. He agreed with another member of the panel, Martha Stone, and who said, “we are only looking at, at best, a glass half full.” However, Parker believes that it is more important to look at how far the Sheff team has come since the great disparities of 1989. He agrees that the case is stressful, and there is still much work to be done, but when we reflect on where the process began, we remember how much progress the team has made. Parker concluded by stating that he hopes the Sheff team’s work benefits not only students in Hartford, but students in surrounding districts as well.

Q1: Does it Take a Court Order to Desegregate Connecticut Schools?

November 7, 2013May 8, 2015Emily Meehan

Assignment Q1: How has student participation in magnet programs varied by major metro regions in CT (Hartford, Bridgeport, New Haven) over the past 5-10 years?

The lawsuit Sheff v O’Neill called for 41% of Hartford students to be entered in a desegregated school by 2013. One strategy to achieve this was the implementation of magnet schools, which are schools that draw students from many different districts. Because of the court order, it makes sense that participation in magnet schools in Hartford has increased over the past five years. However, interdistrict magnet school participation has also increased in New Haven and Bridgeport, where a court order was not issued to require increased enrollment in magnet schools.

I created a bar chart to convey magnet school participation in Hartford, New Haven, and Bridgeport to prove that participation in interdistrict magnet schools has increased in each region over the past five years. I used the 2007-2008 and 2012-2013 Connecticut State Department of Education (CSDE) choice program directory to compile a list of the interdistrict magnet schools in each region. Next, I used data in the 2007 and 2012 CSDE school level racial data file to calculate the total enrollment of students in magnet schools in each region.

Although I did have access to fall 2013 enrollment data, it was only for Hartford. It did not make sense to only display 2013 data for Hartford, when I could not for Bridgeport and New Haven. I found it more appropriate to create a chart comparing three regions with data from consistent years.

In Hartford from October 2007-October 2012, magnet school enrollment increased from 7,388-8,416 students, or 14.52%. Hartford created an additional magnet school in those five years, totaling 17 magnet schools in 2012. In New Haven, magnet school enrollment increased from 5,795-7,719 students. This increase of 33.2% may be due to the fact in five years, New Haven created an additional three magnet schools, totaling 16. In Bridgeport 2007, there were approximately 433 students participating in the region’s one magnet school. In 2012, there were two magnet schools with a total enrollment of approximately 930 students, resulting in a 114.8% increase.

It is important to understand that just because there has been an increase in magnet school participation, these schools are not necessarily integrated. It is possible that the newly enrolled students are all of a specific race. To investigate this I used the 2012-2013 CSDE school level racial data and calculated the approximate average racial make-up of all magnet schools in each region. The split bar charts below reveal that over the past five years, although magnet school participation has increased, the average racial make up of all schools in each region has remained about the same.

Interestingly, even though average percentage of minority students in all Hartford area magnet schools is around 75%, as mandated by law, there is great variation in the percentage of minority students in individual magnet schools. I created an interactive bar chart to show that schools range from about 40%-90% minority. This proves that in Hartford, magnet school participation is increasing, but many of these schools are not desegregated. To create this chart I used October 1, 2013 enrollment data provided in Jacqueline Rabe Thomas’s recent article. I chose the percent minority from the “smallest group.” I was unable to create this chart for New Haven and Bridgeport because the 2013 race level data was not available.

To edit this essay, I first deleted a map that I submitted with the original draft. This map showed the location of each region and it’s total magnet school enrollment. I removed the map because it did not contribute a significant amount of information to the overall essay. In its place, I used 2013 race level data for the Hartford area to create a chart of the racial make-up of interdistrict magnet schools. This allowed me to display how there are stark variations between the percent of minority students in different Hartford area magnet schools. The point of this essay was to show that magnet school enrollment has increased even in regions where a court order does not mandate it. However, I make the argument that just because there is an increase in enrollment, the schools are not completely desegregated. The additional bar chart represents this perfectly because it shows how some schools are still dominantly white, while others are dominantly minority.

Evaluation questions:

Does the data visualization — and the accompanying short essay (no more than 500 words) — adequately answer the assigned question?

What works with this visualization & essay, and what could be improved?

Exercise 7: How To Lie With Maps

October 28, 2013October 28, 2013Emily Meehan

Sharp Racial Divisions

Widespread Racial Diversity

The two maps above both depict the same data for the percent of minority students in Hartford-area school districts for the 2009-2010 school year. However, the first map shows sharp racial divisions in the Hartford area, while the second map portrays widespread racial diversity. By editing certain aspects of the map, the data can reveal drastically different interpretations of the racial composition of Hartford-area schools. For example, in the first map, I decreased the range of the data and the amount of gradients to only two so that the map would portray major differences between the districts. I also chose to use contrasting colors, one very light and the other very dark, to portray major disparity between the regions. In the second map, I increased the range and the amount of gradients to make the Hartford area appear very diverse. I also chose to use different shades of purple for the gradient, because this makes the map appear to have little contrast between regions.

The Debate Over Who Could Occupy World War II Public Housing in West Hartford

October 15, 2013January 7, 2014Emily Meehan

In 1943, a dispute erupted between white West Hartford whites and federal housing officials over whether or not African Americans should be allowed to live in the World War II public housing tract called Oakwood Acres. Public housing tracts were created to house the many war workers and their families living in the Hartford area. The United States government funded these housing tracts, and therefore housing officials needed to abide by federal laws regarding occupancy. Federal Housing authorities eventually did require West Hartford to admit African Americans, however, town residents and leaders prevailed in controlling the rules used to maintain their virtually all-white community. Racist actions such as these were factors in shaping the demographic of West Hartford today.

Demand for housing was high throughout the United States during World War II. Across the nation, people moved into cities looking for jobs in wartime defense industries [1]. In 1940, President Roosevelt and the United States Congress established the United States Housing Authority (USHA) and authorized it to build public housing units [2] with the goal of providing housing for war workers.

In the 1940s there was an influx of war laborers, both White and African American, and their families into the greater Hartford area. These people worked in defense factories such as The Pratt and Whitney Machine Tool Plant [3]. As a result of this, housing options were limited in the Hartford area. In August of 1943, 8,000 new housing units were developed in Hartford and New Britain to accommodate the growing population [4]. The new options for housing were apartment style homes built under the Hartford Housing Association (HHA) and paid for with federal funding from the USHA. Compared to the rest of New England, Hartford successfully provided housing. According to a 1943 Hartford Courant report, “Connecticut has about half of all the government war housing constructed in New England. Half of the government housing in this state has been put up in the Hartford-New Britain area.”[5] With these impressive statistics, one may think that most of the need for housing in Hartford was met. However, families and African American war workers had the most difficult times finding homes.[6] To accommodate this, “400 housing units for white in-migrant families”[7] were being constructed, leaving only the African Americans without secure housing options. Berkley Cox, chairman of the HHA called this situation “satisfactory.”[8]

Screen Shot 2014-01-07 at 12.58.54 PM — Oakwood Acres Housing Tract 1954
This photo was taken a decade after the debate
Image from CT History Online Flikr

Oakwood Acres

One unit developed under the HHA was the Oakwood Acres Housing Tract, on Oakwood Avenue in West Hartford. It spanned between St. Charles Street and Seymour Avenue. Oakwood Acres was described as new, simplistic, and affordable [9]. In 1943, only 14 out of the 300 apartments in the building were occupied [10], and many African Americans still had nowhere to live. The federal government’s plan was to use this space to provide housing for the African Americans in need of homes.

The Debate

Because the government funded Oakwood Acres, the unit needed to abide by federal law, which stated that officials could not legally reject African Americans applying for housing. West Hartford homeowners, living near oakwood Acres, were quoted in the Metropolitan News saying that they were “alarmed” and “horrified” at the idea of “Negroes” living in their neighborhood[11]. The Hartford Courant described the situation as an “infiltration” of African Americans[12]. This harsh, racist language described the overarching feelings of the neighborhood, “The general sentiment of these homeowners is: ‘We don’t want them here’.”[13] The Courant also portrayed the white homeowners as hardworking people who “invested their savings in their homes[14]” and did not deserve to live near African Americans.

Oakwood1951-2013 — Comparison of the location of Oakwood Acres Housing Tract 1951 vs 2013
1951 image from UConn MAGIC aerial photography
2013 Image from Google Maps

Furiously, the homeowners wrote to Cox, of HHA, asking if the African Americans would be admitted to Oakwood Acres. Cox did not comment on the issue[15]. Because of this, the people of West Hartford sent petitions to their Senators Francis Maloney and John A Danaher, and Congressman William Milier.[16] Milier told the people that he would look into the issue of whether it was unlawful for Oakwood Acres to reject all African American applications for housing.[17]

The Outcome

Screen Shot 2013-10-15 at 9.45.37 PM — Image from Dec. 16, 1943 Metropolitan News

The United States Housing Authority responded with an ultimatum. They stated that it was unlawful to exclude African Americans from Oakwood Acres based on their race. Local housing officials were advised that unless the race restrictions were lifted, the federal government would step in.[18] Under this decision, African Americans would be admitted if they applied for a unit. This angered the homeowners of West Hartford, prompting West Hartford housing officials to find a loophole. They decided to accept applications from only “Negroes with essential West Hartford industry jobs.”[19] This ruling was made knowing that there were only six African American families who fit this criterion, and they were not interested in living in Oakwood Acres.[20]

Ultimately, African Americans were technically allowed to live in Oakwood Acres. However, the local officials were able to find a way to limit the number of eligible African Americans so much that none actually did move into the tract. The white West Hartford housing officials and their supporters trumped the federal government.

In 1956, Oakwood Acres was demolished. It had become dilapidated and the people of West Hartford feared it made their neighborhood look like a “slum.” [21] By destroying the unit, West Hartford also erased this dark, racist part of their history.

Today, West Hartford is predominately a white community. One may argue that the demographic of West Hartford was shaped by racist, discriminatory actions begun by the housing committee and the people of West Hartford in the 1940s. In this case, the people of West Hartford were able to outwit the federal government to achieve their goal of preventing African Americans from living in Oakwood Acres. As more situations like this occurred over time, including the implementation of race restrictive covenants, the current demographic of West Hartford was shaped.

[1]Kristin, Szylvian. “The Federal Housing Program During World War II.” From Tenements to Taylor Homes. : 121.

[2]Kristin, Szylvian. “The Federal Housing Program During World War II.” From Tenements to Taylor Homes. : 123.

[3] “1877 Worker Visits New Tool Plant.” Hartford Courant, 10 29, 1941.

[4] “Housing Reaches 8000 mark in City and New Britain.” Hartford Courant, 08 14, 1943.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Ibid.

[9] “Negroes May Occupy Oakwood Acres to Solve Rental Lag.” The Metropolitan News, 09 03, 1943.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid.

[14] Ibid.

[15] “Housing Official Noncommittal On Racial Question.” Hartford Courant, 10 21, 1943.

[16] “Residents Ask Congressmen’s Aid on Negro Housing Threat.” Metropolitan News, 11 04, 1943.

[17] Ibid.

[18] “Negros May Not Move Into Oakwood War Housing Tract.” Metropolitan News, 12 16, 1943.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Katherine Ellen Winterbottom, “Beneath the Veneer,” The Spectator [West Hartford Historical Society Newsletter] Autumn (1998): 1,10–14.

[22] Wilson, Tracey. “West Hartford in World War II.” . West Hartford Life, Last Modified 04 2002. Web. 7 Jan 2014.