May the Best School Win

Posted on

I attended the school choice fair not quite sure what to expect as I left my bed on a nippy Saturday morning. In my head sat the quaint image of a few tables and some science fair boards, awkward teachers waiting impatiently for the fair to be over so they could continue on with their weekends, and several parents milling around, politely taking interest in the displays. However, my idea of a school choice fair was far from accurate. Indeed, I was quite unprepared for what I saw when I entered the vast room.

The people at Hartford Public Schools had successfully converted Trinity College’s field house into a legitimate convention center. The air rang with the sound of voices—kids screaming as they ran around the room, faculty members pointing to their boards and speaking excitedly, parents murmuring to one another as they shuffled their brochures. Before me were rows and rows of displays, and not like the ones you would expect to see on a fourth grader’s science fair board. These displays shone with glossy images of kids doing amazing things like birthing calves, building bridges, wearing doctor’s lab coats as they performed dissections. Some displays had props like microscopes, potted plants, and iPads. As I moved from table to table, I soon got the sense that each school was competing to capture my attention. May the best display win.

The entire experience was not unlike that of walking down the cereal aisle at a grocery store. Cereal boxes are equally glossy and loud, encouraging you to buy their product, and the options are endless. If I get anxious during my attempt to select the best cereal for my breakfast, I cannot imagine being a parent and having to choose the school that will provide my child with an education for the next few years. I can only hope, after comparing pictures and slogans, that I made the right choice.

All schools claim to be the best, which is what makes the decision so difficult. In their article, Dougherty et al. explain why school choice can be overwhelming by outlining some of the many factors parents must consider. How far away do we live from the school? What sort of theme does it promote? Is the building nice? Are the faculty members friendly? Is the school racially integrated? To make matters worse, the amount of choice has grown incredibly in little less than a decade and a half, along with the amount of information available on student and school achievement. The article speaks of the “explosion of school-level student achievement data across the internet” (Dougherty et al. 221)—just another factor for parents to consider when selecting schools. All parents want what is best for their children, although, with so many factors to consider, it is difficult to determine what exactly the best is.

How much choice is too much choice? It is difficult to say. On the one hand, choice is good because it empowers families by allowing them to play an active role in deciding their child’s education. Choice is also good because it allows schools to compete, thereby improving their image and quality of instruction. Choice offers families a better solution when their neighborhood school is inadequate. However, there are downsides to choice as well. One of Hartford’s biggest problems is that the school choice system is not cohesive. To apply to one magnet school and one district school, a parent has to fill out two applications to be processed in two separate lotteries. The online applications are also posted on separate websites, making the act of applying a web navigating nightmare.

For a parent shopping for schools in Hartford, I can imagine it feels like being fought over by two people, with each grabbing an arm and pulling you in opposite directions. When I walked into the fair, I noticed two large acronyms: HPS (for Hartford Public Schools) and RSCO (for Regional School Choice Office). They were like two teams at a football game, their colors proudly displayed in an attempt to assert their superiority. District or inter-district? Traditional or magnet? Then what about technical and vocational schools? They are like a third team that comes rushing into the game during halftime.

I left the fair feeling no more prepared to choose a school than I had when I first arrived. I was impressed by the displays, felt good about the attention I was getting from the faculty representing the schools, but felt just as uncertain as I do when standing in front of a box of Lucky Charms, Cinnamon Toast Crunch, and Frosted Flakes. They all just sound so good. I have immense respect for the parents who are able to make sense of all this, because choosing Hartford schools is no easy process.

 

Work Cited:

Jack Dougherty, Diane Zannoni, Maham Chowhan ’10, Courteney Coyne ’10, Benjamin Dawson ’11, Tehani Guruge ’11, and Begaeta Nukic ’11. “School Information, Parental Decisions, and the Digital Divide: The SmartChoices Project in Hartford, Connecticut.” In Making School Choice Work For All, by Gary Orfield and Erica Frankenberg. Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming.

School Desegregation in Hartford: Insight from a Florida Girl

Posted on

The majority of my education took place in Polk County, FL. One of the largest counties in the state, Polk County is located smack dab in the center—amid swampland and just a quick drive away from Walt Disney World. I cannot say the place I grew up was very much like the metropolitan area of Hartford. Where Hartford has crowded streets and the vibrancy of urban life, Polk County is comprised of small towns strung out along the highways with dots of orange groves and cow pastures in between.



View Larger Map

The map above shows the county in which I grew up.

With my rural, southern upbringing, I was quite unprepared for what I found in Hartford and surprised by both the similarities and differences. What I learned in my Educational Studies classes at Trinity College especially emphasized how alike yet diverse the two locations are—especially in the realm of school desegregation.

The more I learned about the Hartford school district, the more familiar it seemed. A definitive feature of the district is its school choice—that is, its multitude of available magnet, charter, and other alternative schools. I recognized the concept of school choice because I myself attended two charter schools, a magnet school, and a traditional public school while living and learning in Florida. I soon learned that school choice in Hartford was a product of the movement to desegregate schools in the district. As I delved deeper into the history of schooling in Polk County, I found a similar movement as well. The two movements, however, were not identical. Both movements started with concerned mothers in court cases and resulted in school choice, but they differed in their goals and what they achieved because they fought dissimilar forms of segregation.



View Larger Map

The above map is one of Hartford, the capital of the Nutmeg State.

The Similarities

Hartford School District Polk County School District
The Court Case: Sheff v. O’Neill (1989). The Court Case: Mills v. Polk County Board of Public Instruction (1978).
The Mother in Charge: Elizabeth Horton Sheff The Mother in Charge: Althea Margaret Daily Mills
The Solution: School Choice The Solution: School Choice

The table above outlines the court cases and the mothers behind the school desegregation movements for both school districts.

Hartford’s Case: Sheff v. O’Neill

The catalyst for school desegregation in Hartford was the case of Sheff v. O’Neill (1989). The original complaint was released in April of 1989 by the plaintiffs: 17 children of varied ethnicities, their parents, and lawyers. The plaintiffs noted the existence of sharp racial and socioeconomic disparities within the school systems of the greater Hartford area—disparities emphasized when comparing the city of Hartford to its surrounding suburbs. In the complaint, they argued that their children, as well as other students in Hartford, were limited to an education that was “minimally adequate”. 1 They sought to fight against the state of Connecticut so that the education of the Hartford city students could be improved. The complaint also stated that children in the suburban areas were “deprived of the opportunity to associate with, and learn from, the minority children attending school with the Hartford school district”. 2 The plaintiffs thought that by blending children of different socioeconomic statuses and races, they could improve education for all.

Click here to read the original Sheff v. O’Neill (1989) complaint.

Hartford’s Mother: Elizabeth Horton Sheff

First on the list of plaintiffs for the Sheff v. O’Neill (1989) complaint was Milo and Elizabeth Sheff. Eager to provide her 11-year-old son with a desegregated education that was equal to that of his white and suburban counterparts, Elizabeth Horton Sheff became the face of school desegregation in Hartford. She worked hard to advocate for the Sheff movement and, after, continued working within the community of Hartford with a focus on helping disenfranchised groups and support the education of Hartford students.


Watch the video above to hear Elizabeth Horton Sheff on the subject of Sheff v. O’Neill (1989). 3

Polk County’s Case: Mills v. Polk County Board of Public Instruction

The Polk County equivalent for the Sheff case was Mills v. Polk County Board of Public Instruction (1963). The 1960s was still an era of segregation in Florida and the Polk County school district, at the time, operated with in state of de jure segregation. Parents and plaintiffs of the case, upset that their children were receiving a far inferior education in their all black schools, sued the school board for allowing the schools to remain separate and unequal. Unlike the parents involved in Sheff v. O’Neill (1989), who fought the de facto segregation inherent in urban and suburban housing, the parents of Polk County were combating the legal system which assigned blacks and whites to separate schools. The case resulted in the Federal Court ordering Polk County to end its biracial school system in 1968—a major victory for Civil Rights activists in the state of Florida. 4

Click here to read the Procedural History of Mills v. Polk County Board of Public Instruction (1963).

Polk County’s Mother: Althea Margaret Daily Mills

A photo of Althea Mills Source: The News Chief

Growing up in an integrated school system, Althea Mills immediately noticed the difference when her son attended a segregated school in Winter Haven, Florida: “It was a hard time for people because the schools for the African-American children had inferior equipment… Our instructors were just as good, but some of my son’s textbooks would go to page 3 and then skip to page 35. You can’t learn like that.” 5 When it came time to enroll her son in high school, he was denied admittance to Winter Haven High without a psychological test and instead was redirected to Jewett High School. Her experience in the town of Winter Haven fueled Althea Mills’ passion for desegregation, not only in the school system, but in the county as a whole. In fact, it was Althea Mills who spearheaded the complaint against the Polk County school board. Without her efforts, the school district could have waited longer for orders of desegregation.

Click here to read more about Althea Mills and her fight against segregation.

The Difference: Segregation

At the time Elizabeth Horton Sheff was fighting for desegregation in Hartford’s school system, there was not a governmental establishment of segregation. That is to say, by 1989, the only segregation that existed was de facto. Thus, what Elizabeth Sheff was fighting was the encouragement and the continuity of separation along racial and socioeconomic lines. She was not, however, fighting against a segregation established by the laws of the county.

The story is different for Althea Mills. As she recalled, “There was segregation all over – not just in the schools, but for the movie theaters, the stores, the restaurants”. 6 After participating in a sit-in at the local counter, which was located just down the street from where I took my weekly piano lessons, her 9-year-old son was put in a juvenile home for two weeks. By filing a lawsuit against the county, Althea was challenging the entire system of segregation.

School Choice: A Solution

In considering the eventual desegregation of their school systems, leaders of both Hartford and Polk County’s school districts saw school choice as the solution to the problem, including the construction of magnet schools. Magnet schools are schools with a particular theme designed to attract students from all over the area. For Hartford, the eventual outcome was that the students, being geographically mixed, were inherently mixed racially and socioeconomically as well. In Polk County, choice schools were used to integrate students by providing learning spaces that were not traditionally “white” or traditionally “black.” Today, a considerable amount of magnet and other alternatives to the traditional school have been opened within both counties.

Click here to visit Hartford’s website on Public School Choice.

Click here for more information on Polk County’s Office of Magnet, Choice, and Charter Schools.

The Successes of Both School Desegregation Movements

Since both court cases for desegregation were filed, the school districts of Hartford and Polk County have achieved amazing things. As their struggles differed, so did their victories, and we can measure the victories of Hartford and Polk County in different ways.

Hartford's Sport and Medical Sciences Academy (a magnet school) Source: http://sportandmedicalsciences.org

A report released by the Sheff Movement reports “impressive achievement results”7 when comparing the standardized test scores of students in magnet schools as opposed to the test scores of students in a traditional Hartford public school. The report shows a greater percentage of students scoring above proficiency who attend the magnet schools. While some critics argue against the active role in which they play in the improvement of scores, many can agree that magnet schools have had a positive impact on the education of students in Hartford. Judging by the Sheff Movement’s report, it would appear that the desegregation movement of the school system of Hartford rates its success on two major factors: racial integration and improved test scores. Within the provisions of the Sheff 1 and Sheff 2 cases, a certain amount of racial mixing is required in order for the school system to be considered successfully integrated. Based on these parameters, however, the school system is falling behind. So instead, the Sheff Movement turns to test scores as the indicator for success.

Polk County's Davenport School of the Arts where I spent my 8th grade year (a choice school) Source: http://schools.polk-fl.net/dsa/

As for Polk County, it’s greatest success, perhaps, occurred in 2000 when it was granted unitary status by the federal court.8 This meant that, under the observation of the federal court, Polk County was no longer operating a segregated, or dual, school system. Here, the court decided that the county was no longer operating under the rules of segregation, and the schools were providing integration for all students. Polk County’s success differs in its focus, being that it is entirely racial. To note that the county gained unitary status suggests that it achieved its goal of racial integration.

Conclusion

Attending magnet schools and charter schools as a kid, I was never made aware of their significance. Ironically, only after I move away, do I discover that these alternative schools stand to symbolize equal opportunities for all people. Sure, the magnet/charter/choice system is not perfect. Critics argue that they have not made enough difference—or perhaps have not made a difference at all. But I would argue that the desegregation movements of these two districts have made great progress. We can see many similarities between the two districts as well as recognize the differences between their struggles and success. All in all, the schools within these districts have many opportunities to offer, and they are available to students of all colors.

 

About the Author

Richelle Benjamin Trinity College '15

Richelle Benjamin is a student at Trinity College, seeking to major in Educational Studies. She is the co-build coordinator for the college’s Habitat for Humanity chapter and is a P.R.I.D.E. leader for the first-year class—promoting respect for diversity on campus. After college, she hopes to continue working in the field of education and dealing with the issues of inequality that are present. Though she still considers herself a Florida girl, Richelle has learned a lot by studying in the city of Hartford.

  1. “Sheff V. O’Neill Complaint.” Archival Documents (1989): n. pag.
  2. Ibid.
  3. Sheff, Elizabeth Horton. Oral history interview on Sheff v. O’Neill (with video) by Candace Simpson for the Cities, Suburbs, and Schools Project, July 28, 2011. Available from the Trinity College Digital Repository, Hartford Connecticut (http://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/cssp/).
  4. Procedural Histories of School Desegregation Suits in the Fifth Circut. N.p.: Clearing House, n.d. PDF.
  5. Godefrin, Shelly. “Mills’ Battle to Desegregate Polk County Schools Still Resonates Within Community.” newschief.com. 15 June 2008. Web. 28 Nov. 2012.
  6. Ibid.
  7. Sheff Movement. “Regional Magnet Schools and Open Choice Post Impressive Achievement Results!” October 19, 2012.
  8. Documentation of Unitary Status, 100 Districts in South and Border. N.p.: n.p., 29 July 2004. PDF.

Lie With Maps

Posted on

In class we used a Google Fusion Table to combine a map of Hartford and its surrounding neighborhoods with data on the demographics of each Connecticut town. We then adjusted the map’s settings to color each town depending on what percentage of the town’s population is a minority. Depending on the limits and scale used, we discovered we could change the map to either portray a racially divided Connecticut or a racially diverse one. Even though both maps contain the same information, they represent this information in different ways, and thus it is easy to see how to lie with maps.

Map 1 shows the racially divided Connecticut. Knowing that the towns on the outer limit of the Hartford area had a small percent of minorities in the population, I changed the range of the lightest color to “0.0 up to 0.5,” so that towns with a population of less than 50% minority were a light yellow color. Not surprisingly, many towns were painted yellow by this wide range. I then increase by 10% for each color up to 80% and assigned the darkest color (a dark red) the range of 80-100% percent, which applied to the three middle towns. The map shows a sharp racial contrast because of the wide range of low percentages combined with the narrow range of middle percentages and a slightly wider range of higher percentages, allowing for an unfair amount of towns to be painted light yellow, and allowing for the middle towns to sharply contrast with the dark red.

 

This is a map showing sharp racial divisions.

Map 1: A map of Hartford and its surrounding neighborhoods showing sharp racial divisions.

 

Map 2 tells a very different story. Instead of starting the lightest yellow color with a large range, I made all the ranges for each color equal in size, so that there is a uniform difference between the range of percentages for each color. The result is a less biased map, and a map that shows greater racial diversity in and around the Hartford area.

 

A map showing racial diversity.

Map 2: A map of Hartford and its surrounding neighborhoods showing racial diversity.

Lie With Maps

Posted on

In class we used a Google Fusion Table to combine a map of Hartford and its surrounding neighborhoods with data on the demographics of each Connecticut town. We then adjusted the map’s settings to color each town depending on what percentage of the town’s population is a minority. Depending on the limits and scale used, we discovered we could change the map to either portray a racially divided Connecticut or a racially diverse one. Even though both maps contain the same information, they represent this information in different ways, and thus it is easy to see how to lie with maps.

Map 1 shows the racially divided Connecticut. Knowing that the towns on the outer limit of the Hartford area had a small percent of minorities in the population, I changed the range of the lightest color to “0.0 up to 0.5,” so that towns with a population of less than 50% minority were a light yellow color. Not surprisingly, many towns were painted yellow by this wide range. I then increase by 10% for each color up to 80% and assigned the darkest color (a dark red) the range of 80-100% percent, which applied to the three middle towns. The map shows a sharp racial contrast because of the wide range of low percentages combined with the narrow range of middle percentages and a slightly wider range of higher percentages, allowing for an unfair amount of towns to be painted light yellow, and allowing for the middle towns to sharply contrast with the dark red.

 

This is a map showing sharp racial divisions.

Map 1: A map of Hartford and its surrounding neighborhoods showing sharp racial divisions.

 

Map 2 tells a very different story. Instead of starting the lightest yellow color with a large range, I made all the ranges for each color equal in size, so that there is a uniform difference between the range of percentages for each color. The result is a less biased map, and a map that shows greater racial diversity in and around the Hartford area.

 

A map showing racial diversity.

Map 2: A map of Hartford and its surrounding neighborhoods showing racial diversity.

Lie with Statistics

Posted on

In Dougherty et al. “Sheff v O’Neill: Weak Desegregation Remedies,” the following data is given to show the progress toward the Sheff I  goal during in the years 2003-2007.

This table shows the percentages of minority students enrolled in reduced-isolation magnet schools and Project Choice schools in suburban districts.

When plotted on a line chart, the data can show a progression either minor or significant. All depends on how the chart is formed.

Line chart showing minor progress

This first chart portrays the data in a way that shows minor progress with a relatively flat line. The effect is created by using a large range of percentages along the vertical axis, fixing the minimum at .0 (0%) and the maximum at 1.0 (100%).

Line chart showing significant progress

In contrast, this chart portrays the data in a way that shows significant progress with a more steeply sloped line. The effect is achieved by using a small range of percentages along the vertical axis, fixing the minimum at .1 (10%) and the maximum at .3 (30%).

Both charts represent the same set of data. However, their difference in showing the progress, either minor or significant, is an example of how charts can be used to lie or otherwise give the reader a false impression of what the data means.