By Mike Lenihan ’07
You’ve seen it before – the chalk-white mask whose ambiguous grin curls up the corners of a wryly mustache. Pictures of protestors donning the mask have dominated news stories and it seems the mask has become the unofficial icon of protests around the world. It links New York’s Occupy Wall Street sit-ins, to Tunisia’s Arab Spring, to Egypt’s Tahrir Square protests. Most recently, it has appeared in Istanbul’s Gezi Park, where Turks demonstrated against a heavy-handed government. Made famous among niche audiences in Alan Moore’s 1982 comic series “V for Vendetta,” the mask has gone global. But why? What drives this universal appeal? More importantly, why are protestors choosing to adopt the same public face when it risks obscuring their own particular cause?
In the 2006 film adaptation of Moor’s character, the antihero V seeks to jolt a futuristic Britain out of complacency with an authoritarian government through a series of violent demonstrations. The demonstrations culminate with the blowing-up of Parliament on the 5th of November, as inspired by Sir Guy Fawkes. Veins of solidarity, anarchy, and liberty run throughout the movie, but it may be the overarching theme of accountability that is attractive to today’s real-life protestors.
For the Occupy movement, it was accountability to taxpayers. In Tahrir Square, it was accountability to Egyptians living under the Mubarak regime. Turkey’s protests, however, are less easily summarized. With the numerous and seemingly disparate causes that are represented on the streets of Istanbul, the “accountability” motive is blurred.
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party was elected with 50 percent of the vote. He is popular among rural and conservative voters, and has single-handedly stabilized the government after decades of military interference. He has taken hardline stances against Israel, grown the country’s economy, and made efforts to draw Turkey closer to the European Union – moves which have earned him high marks from his conservative base. As late as March, a Pew Research Poll found that Erdogan had a 75 percent favorability rating among devout Muslims.[1] So to whom does Erdogan need to be accountable?
In short: everyone else. Reports out of Istanbul describe protestors of every color and stripe gathered in Gezi Park – religious and secular, young and old, professionals and unemployed, environmentalists and corporates, men and women. It is a surprising mix of Turks that are gathered in the streets, angered by what they describe as an overbearing presence of government in their daily lives. In the same March poll, Pew found only 36 percent of more secular Turks had a favorable view of the prime minister.[2]
Istanbul’s protestors have taken to the streets, inspired by many – and seemingly discrete – issues. Banners for reproductive rights, environmental concerns, and freedom of the press have all flown high.[3] It would seem, therefore, that identity politics are running deep. But surprisingly, the messages coming from demonstrators do not vary. They speak to shared values of accountability and equal representation. One protestor said, “We’re coming together discussing…how we’re going to voice our democratic demands.”[4] While no single icon – be it a mask, symbol or slogan – can convey the unique goals of every cause, protestors have found value in the overarching principles that are conveyed. The V mask trumps identity politics and speaks to the collective interest.
There has been valid skepticism from experts that the Gezi protests will not equate to a Turkish Arab Spring; it is highly doubtful that Erdogan will be forced from office. However, these protests have demonstrated that the government will have to consider the views and welfare of minority groups from here on out. More importantly, it will not be just those groups with large platforms and strong followings who are considered. It will also have to include the more marginalized groups if Erdogan is to truly allay concerns. After all, the principles symbolized by protestors wearing the V mask are not exclusive of those who are not. Erdogan would do well to remember this, especially as unrest continues, and the 5th of November creeps closer.
Mike Lenihan graduated the PBPL program at Trinity College in 2007. He is a Fellow at the European Stability Initiative where he researches European neighborhood policy in the Black Sea region. He was living in Istanbul when protests began in May.
[1] Pew Research Center, Prime Minister Erdogan popular in Turkey broadly, but less so in Istanbul, June 5, 2013, http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2013/06/05/prime-minister-erdogan-popular-in-turkey-but-less-so-in-istanbul/
[2] Ibid., http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2013/06/05/prime-minister-erdogan-popular-in-turkey-but-less-so-in-istanbul/
[3] Reuters, “Diverse Turkey protesters vent anger, little agreement on alternative,” June 5, 2013, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/05/us-turkey-protests-diversity-idUSBRE95415K20130605
[4] Jadaliyya, “Defiant Turkish Demonstrators ‘Finding New Ways to Protest’: Turkey Page Co-Editor Nazan Ustundag on Democracy Now!” June 20, 2013, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/12318/defiant-turkish-demonstrators-finding-new-ways-to-