Lopes article tracks the growth of soccer in Brazil, beginning with the early games played by Europeans and the elite up until Brazil’s 1998 run to the World Cup in France where the national team fielded a racially and socially mixed team. He pays particular attention to the steady increase of non-white players, either mestizo or black, in the ranks of Brazilian club and national teams. The rise of Brazil’s non-European soccer greats mimics the history described by Carrington in his “Sport and Race” article. Carrington argues that sport, seen through the lens of imperialism and race, was initially reserved for the colonizers or the elite. This was true in the case of Brazil as it was only Europeans or those exposed to a European schooling that were able to indulge in the sport. It was only through ‘factory-teams’ that football reached the working classes of Brazil and spread like wildfire. Despite its foundation amongst the working class, many non-white players faced discrimination when attempting to play for club teams, particularly the more ‘European’ the team’s history. Rules regulating the “amateur-ness” of Brazilian football ensured that working-class players were relegated to lesser leagues. It was only with the footballs growing international importance in the 1930s that working-class players were able to break out and compete on both a national and international level. As Brazil gained international acclaim for its football prowess, the reluctance to use non-white players dissipated. The black, mestizo and working-class players in Brazil helped to overturn the European dominance of Brazilian football, allowing the nation to grow into the soccer powerhouse it is today.

Bocketti’s article brings up the theme of national identity and sport, echoing Bairner’s previous article on the subject. Bocketti highlights the story of Italian immigrants in Brazil who return to play for Italy in the 1930 World Cup. Though Brazilian born, the players come from immigrant families and have dual loyalties. The situation mimics Bairner’s theme of multiple nationalistic sports affiliations, such as the case of the UK. These players, born in Brazil, got their start in Italian run leagues, but soon graduated to high levels of play. However Brazil’s league rule of only amateur play soon forced these players to look overseas in order to turn professional. The decision to play for overseas clubs and national teams however would have an effect on many of these young athletes. Many Brazilians viewed the move as traitorous as one editor wrote, “With an impudence that doesn’t recognize limits, the three players who sold themselves to Italian football sold their character and their dignity as well. In order to obtain a few more tips, a few more scraps, they cynically turned against the Fatherland, denying they are Brazilians…” (Bocketti, 294) The article sets a discussion for the similar circumstances of many of today’s transnational athletes. As European clubs look overseas for the latest talent, many athletes, constrained by their respective leagues, must make a choice between idealistic national identities and their own desire to succeed and play.

Of particular interest to me in these two articles was the concept of factory-teams and amateur players. The factory managers’ use of football as a morale booster and production incentive was an interesting business model, with far reaching effects.

Questions:

1. As Bocketti’s work shows, the transnational soccer player is not a new phenomenon. As the practice becomes increasingly more common how will players and fans cope with these dual national and club affiliations?
2. Do these factory-teams still survive in Brazil today?