This TIFO is the BBC’s response to accusations of sensationalism in its documentary ‘Stadiums of Hate.’ The BBC declared that the documentary was beneficial for soccer in Eastern Europe, as it was enough of a gut check to spur leagues in Poland and Ukraine to take action.
This TIFO is a page from the Polish Ministry of Sport and Tourism. It seeks to redub ‘the Barcelona effect’ the ‘Polish Effect’ as the EURO 2012 games had an overwhelming effect upon Polish tourism and the countries economy. In additon to the monetary and infrastructural benefits the article proclaims that Poles have ‘gained confidence’ after the success of the games, in spite of the overwhelming odds.
Lechner’s article focuses on the Dutch national team and their development of a “Dutch National Style” of football throughout the late 20th century. Lechner bases some of the Dutch resurgence in the late 20th century on the collective memory of earlier Dutch victories. It can be drawn from our discussion about national myths that the Dutch victories of ’74 and ’78 are part of the foundation of Dutch soccer. The Dutch as a team know they are capable of this greatness, therefore blocking one of the first hurdles of attaining a championship, the preconceived notions of a teams limitations. Tying this back to the article of American exceptionalism, I feel that it is this preconceived notion of limitations that is hindering America in adopting the sport of soccer. Continue reading
Lechner’s piece describes the development of the narrative that the Dutch national team and Dutch soccer in general has a distinct style that sets Dutch soccer apart from the soccer of other nations. He looks at the historical records and concludes that this style, in reality, is not an essential part of Dutch play and in fact is a narrative that was invented to create a notion of distinctiveness, superiority and specialness compared to the rest of the world.
The importance of this narrative to Dutch fans could be instructive to proponents of soccer in the United states as a way of promoting the game. Americans have a deep belief in the concept of American exceptionalism and view soccer, and those who support the game, as somewhat foreign. This distrust and disinterest in soccer could be overcome with an invention of an “American style,” whether a true style or fictitious, that could play on American identity so that fans could see the soccer players and teams who practice this style as an embodiment of “true Americans” who will demonstrate the superiority of the American style to the rest of the world.
The rebirth that the Dutch football team went through for the 2006 World Cup is interesting because instead of looking to the outside to help fix the team, the Dutch federation selected in-house talent. They decided that their team was going to become the best by being entirely Dutch instead of the now traditional model of having players and coaches from different countries form a national team. The joint commitment the team expressed about their “way of playing is more important than the result is” is an interesting philosophy in sports, especially for a team who was trying to return to their global dominance in the World Cup. The Netherlands wanted to be able to have a sense of nationalism and feeling of true Dutch unity. By using only in-house players and coaching, they sought to bring back a Dutch identity and answer the “who are we?” question.
After their loss in the finals of the 1974 World Cup to Germany, the Dutch team did not return home as losers but were welcomed home as champions. By defeating traditional powerhouse teams like Argentina and Brazil and making it to the finals with Germany showed the people of the Netherlands that their tiny country could compete on the world stage with the best of them. The 1974 team became a symbol of what the Netherlands could really do. Continue reading
In his article, Buffington describes what makes America unique in the area of soccer and defining the idea of a national culture. One passage that seemed spot on to my thinking about now different nations have different playing styles.
“This involves representing national teams (and their individual members) as having distinctive habits of play, tactical affinities, or skill sets that influence how they perform on the field.”
He also brings up an interesting point about how highly industrialized nations were brought together under a unified sporting culture all around the 1870s and 1930s. In America though, this was when baseball, basketball, and American football were gaining traction. By having these three sports all hitting their high points during this time period, it left little room for the growth of soccer from its position as a youth sport your mom drove you to and from. The idea of a “soccer mom” is an exclusively American idea and helps keep soccer as a youth sport.
Soccer has popularly been heralded as the world’s favorite sport. However, that iconic phrase ought to be amended to to exempt the United States. Football enraptures the hearts and zeals of the most of the world, yet that same passion has not taken root in America. This phenomenon is not unexplainable; explanations can be reasoned.
Firstly, one must point to the fact that the US and the rest of the world differ in more than one way than in the world’s countries’ preferences for sports. The United States has a unique system for spelling certain English words. The language written in United Kingdom, as well as in Australia, New Zealand, India, and South Africa, adhere to the British spelling. Additionally, the US has a distinct system of weights and measures. I believe I am correct in saying that we solely use miles over kilometers and Fahrenheit over Celsius. It is unsurprising that Americans’ athletic appetites differ from that of Europeans, Africans, and South Americans.
Of course, this is very general. One must acknowledge the steps soccer has taken towards popularity in the US. The sport is becoming more watched, particularly by young people in the young adult and adolescent age group. Many individuals in this bracket follow soccer more closely than they do any other sport. This rise is partly due to easier access through widespread television usage. More importantly, the smartphone and internet craze accelerates football’s ascension into sports pandemonium. The iPhone allows for connections to sports non-stop. Worthy of note, this germinal craze is among young adults. As this generation matures, soccer will be carried through to older age groups; the probability of its adoption among another generation of Americans is high with this discussed trend. I predict that this phenomenon will occur.
Sports are emotionally riveting for their tendency to arouse two human attributes: solidarity and attachment. The enormous level of expressionism in sports in public spaces leads many to form collectivist associations. These associations are based on shared feelings and common zeals. Media plays a role in forming these bonds of “interpersonal interaction.” This sociological observation is keen. Within human nature, there is an inherent instinct to cluster. I argue that this drive is rooted in a need to be secure and a desire for affirmation of one’s convictions. The desire for affirmation builds confidence in oneself and one’s judgment.
Franck Ribery’s third place finish in the competition for the 2014 Ballon d’Or is nothing to be taken lightly considering the first and second place finishers of Cristiano Ronaldo and Lionel Messi. From the start of him finding out he was one of the three being considered for the trophy, he remained humble and expressed that he finds just being in the top three of the world is an honor enough. Ribery also remarks that he “would rather win it all again with Bayern Munich and win the world title. That is what really matters. Of course, I would have liked to win the award, but what else could I have done than winning all trophies with Bayern?” This team attitude is part of what makes Bayern Munich’s success so stable.
The two chapters of Simon Martin’s book ‘Football and Fascism: The National Game under Mussolini’ deal with the early influence of Fascism on the game in the 1920s and 1930s and their effect on the teams of the 1930s. Martin makes clear that Fascist Italy saw football as both a good and bad influence upon its people. The regime saw the incredible influence that the sport and its players had over the population. By reorganizing the league structures and making it marginally under the control of government appointed persons the Regime sought to use the sport as tool of unifying its people and exporting the virtues of Fascism to the rest of the world.
What I found particularly important was the new regulations that sought to limit the ‘rivalry’ factor between city teams. For a large period of its history Italy was comprised of city states which traded and warred with each other for centuries. It was only in the 1870s that these city-states were fleshed together to make modern Italy. Fast-forward to the 1920s and many of these old rivalries were revived through the cities’ respective teams. Many viewed the rivalries as beneficial for the teams as they provided a steady flow of fans to the stadiums.
However Mussolini’s government saw the potential danger of these rivalries fracturing the national identity of Italy, core to Fascism fundamental tenets. As football was one of the tools through which the new government would promote itself to the world having such fractures was detrimental to the countries image. After several incidents of unsportsmanlike conduct and potential riots arose, the new governing bodies moved to alleviate the high emotions that surrounded these rivalries. By decompressing these rivalries, an unprecedented growth in north-south play and player movement occurred within the newly established leagues. This invariably led to a healthier playing atmosphere as well as allowed competition to occur outside of strictly regional rivalries.
By attaching itself so closely to the development of the leagues Mussolini’s regime began inextricably tied with Italian football. As such, extra weight was added to Italy’s international play as it was representing not only the nation but the institution of Fascism. Italy’s subsequent World Cup wins in 1934 and 1938 helped to give credence to the Regime’s investment in the sport. However the team, representing the regime, suffered backlash as Fascism’s ugly side became more known throughout the world. Fascism’s obsession with nationalist pride prevented many of Italy’s finest players from taking to the field as well as prevented a beneficial flow of foreign talent. In the end Fascism was only able to marginally influence the beginnings of the Italian soccer leagues as its continued presence brought an unwanted negative attention.
Football would be fatally condemned to degenerate into the trick of a money grabber, worthy of repressive police measures and the contempt of the citizens….Because it is a grave problem we are setting about resolving it in a Fascist manner: that is seriously.
In essence, league football had not changed beyond recognition, but the principle of a truly national competition had been established, even if it was still contested on a north-south basis. It was the first step in the regime’s unification…
While calcio was the perfect allegory for the merits of the idealized Fascist society, it failed to resolve — and thereby exposed — many of the contradictions that existed within the constructed Italian Fascist identity.
Would modern leagues benefit from the same governmental oversight and restructuring as under Fascism?
The intrusion of politics into domestic and international soccer is nothing new; many governments lender their support to football to achieve some sort of means. However, Italy under the pre-World War II dictatorship provides a particularly apt example, as the author Mr. Simon notes. By the 1920s, football in Italy had become a national institution that was highly esteemed. Know as calcio in Italian, the game was very popular and engendered much loyalty and fanaticism.
On the other hand, much structural and administration reforms were needed in the game. Many ministerial aspects of the game were inept. One move in attempt to solve this dilemma was to move the structural center to Milan. I found the choice of this city unsurprising. Milan, and other cities in northern Italy, were always the leading centers of Italian industry and economics. While Rome might be the political, and to some degree, the cultural hub of Italian, Milan is the financial heart of the peninsula. The move to Milan caused controversy nonetheless.