Under Connecticut’s Golden Dome

Taylor Denson ‘13

This is the first installment of a weekly column on the Connecticut General Assembly.


Last Wednesday, Governor Dannel Malloy of Connecticut stepped into the chamber of the House of Representatives at the state capitol and began his annual State of the State address.  The speech touched on proposed teacher tenure reform and Malloy’s call for an economic revival in the state of Connecticut.  Similar to the State of the Union, the State of the State included standing ovations and clapping from both sides of the aisle during the Governor’s address.  Signaling the beginning of a new legislative session, it was the first of many busy days to come for the Connecticut General Assembly in the next few months.

I was lucky enough to witness the State of the State first hand, thanks to the Trinity Legislative Internship Program.  For the rest of the semester, I will get an intimate look at Connecticut’s state legislature and the job it performs each spring.  Interning for Representative Jason Rojas (9th Assembly District), who also happens to work at Trinity as the Director of Community Relations, I will experience committee meetings, sessions on the House floor, lobbying, and communication between Representative Rojas and his constituents.  After learning so much in public policy classes at Trinity, the internship will give me the opportunity to translate that academic knowledge into real policy experience.  The life of an intern may not always be glamorous, but there may be no better way to begin to learn more about government.

The Connecticut General Assembly is a part-time legislature with full-time responsibilities.  The legislators and their staff are responsible for working with Governor Malloy to enact policy, but they only have three active months in which to do so.  In a year where Connecticut will face a possible budget deficit, the legislature will be buzzing as they try to compromise on legislation despite the fiscal restraints.  The session is just starting to heat up, so look for more on an intern’s experience in Connecticut state government next week.

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Why I’m “In”

Suzy Wang (’13)

These views are my own and do not reflect the views of my employers.


Two months ago, if someone had told me I’d be graduating a semester late, I would have probably retaliated with a wisecrack and told them that they were crazy.  Moving to Colorado to organize teams of volunteers for the 2012 election for nine months—much less graduating late—was never on my agenda.  But, as I gear up for my big move, I realize that I’ve slowly let go of those inhibitions.  I am excited and a little nervous, but still grateful.

Most of us have a plan: graduate college, get a job, and achieve more than our parents were able to.  In these past three weeks at headquarters, I’ve had an epiphany: there is no absolute “plan” out there—just a series of decisions that ultimately form the larger narrative of our lives.  Being on the straight track, it can be easy to lose sight of all the opportunities we have at our disposal as undergraduates of Trinity College, but it’s worthwhile to take a moment to reflect on the road that brought us here and the many paths ahead.

Deciding to take the plunge and move to Colorado three weeks into my internship is a testament to all of this.  To paraphrase a line from our very own Professor Ned Cabot, the kaleidoscope of experiences that lead us to where we ultimately end up, not the final destination, is what matters.  As young adults, it is important to take as many opportunities that come our way.  Spending a semester working on a campaign is not the right decision for everyone, but it has made me realize that the urgency I perpetually felt about settling into a steady career was self-imposed.  We create our own timelines; we control the direction we move forward in.

Although my time as a Public Policy & Law major is far from over, I already see the ways this major has shaped me.  The skills I have acquired, the lessons I have learned, and the experiences I have had from studying among my peers and working with the faculty have transformed me into a smarter and wiser college student as well as a more mature and able young adult.  I am a product of my education at Trinity College—that much remains true no matter where I go.

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Romney v. Gingrich

Britney Ryan (‘13)

The battle of the political parties defines American democracy. Especially in recent years, the trend of greater partisanship at all levels of government has become an extremely prevalent force that permeates into an increasing number of groups. As the fight between Republicans and Democrats intensifies, so does the struggle between members of the same party for the right to represent their constituents.  Nowhere has this been better displayed than in the campaigning for the 2012 Republican nomination.

Democrats have the luxury of sitting back and watching as members of the same party exploit the weaknesses of their fellow Republicans. Two candidates stand out from the rest in the media headlines: Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich. These two men have extremely different backgrounds and histories, and each are willing to expose the skeletons of their opponents closet, all in the name of “good for Republicans.” Although the two are fairly close in the race, it seems to be evident for most Republicans that Mitt Romney is the best choice to oppose Barack Obama in the upcoming election.

Romney presents a multiplicity of desirable traits that make for a strong nominee.  His history as an extremely successful businessman is desirable in an age when the economy is still struggling and the disgustingly high budget deficit continues to plague America. The ability to turn a struggling business into a successful, profitable company demonstrates an understanding of the principles underlying America’s economy.

Business is not the only advantage Romney brings to the table.  He also has shown considerable disposition to compromise, which is an area that has been lacking for a majority of the Obama term. It is important to have a president who will stand firm for his beliefs, but is also willing to overcome partisan roadblocks and compromise with the other side.

Romney’s top competitor, Newt Gingrich, has a political history that does not inspire much confidence among Republican voters.  During his time in Congress, Gingrich spent much of his time in the Senate working to exploit what he viewed as corruptions. While he did work with Clinton on some policies, he spearheaded the motion to impeach the President during the Monica Lewinsky trial.  As a result of his turbulent record, Gingrich has been painted as someone prone to allowing personal vendettas to cloud his vision. Additionally, Gingrich’s ethics also come into question, as many Americans believe that his past infidelities implicate an inability to be an honest leader.

Romney has the best chance of facing Barack Obama and coming out the victor, and the Republican Party would do better to place their support, faith, and votes behind the Massachusetts candidate. This year, the Republican party needs a leader who will stand beside his convictions and commit himself to building a better America.  Romney, who has not only proven to be an extremely intelligent business man, but a hardworking and dedicated candidate, is the best chance the Republican Party has of standing up against President Obama and winning the 2012 election.

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Fundraising Ain't Easy

Suzy Wang (’13)
These views are completely my own and do not reflect the views of my employers.

Ever since I can remember, my parents have told me that it’s impolite to ask for money.  In fact, I’m pretty sure that’s the third cardinal rule of my family—right behind getting straight A’s and respecting my elders.

For those who know me, you know that I’m a fiercely competitive person.  So, when the campaign headquarters announced that there would be a 48-hour fundraising competition, I jumped right on board. As my coworkers were intently listening to our bosses review the guidelines and give helpful tips, I was drafting individualized emails to my friends, family, professors, neighbors, and my entire cell phone contacts list.  These interns don’t know who they’re dealing with, I thought as I composed my emails. I’ve got this in the bag.

Wrong.

Things went smoothly for about the first 6 hours. When the first update came in, I was in first place by a landslide. I was feeling particularly confident after receiving a few contributions, and attributed my success to the witty comments about tenacity I had slipped into my emails.  It wasn’t soon after that I realized I had vastly underestimated my competition.  The second update came roughly 4 hours later, and the results were devastating.  Two people had caught up to me and one was beating me.  I was mortified.  It was obvious that I needed to step it up—if not for my own reputation, for the President of the United States.

The next 38 hours were the most stressful, incapacitating, and intense hours of my life.  Time was of the essence, and I gave up any routine activity I considered excessive.  (This included eating, sleeping, socializing—basically anything that makes someone human.)  I made inroads with the different departments and formed coalitions against my top competitor.  I scoured my phone book and social networks for willing donors.  I called acquaintances I hadn’t spoken to in years and asked them to aid me in my quest to bury my competition by “contributing just $3!”

Luckily, my hard work paid off.  By the end of the 48-hour cycle, I had raised a total of $3,105, and shared the title of “Highest Amount Raised” with one other intern.  Though the result was rewarding, the process was what made the experience.  Throughout this two day contest, I saw my office come together in a way that I’ve never seen groups of people come together before.  Even though each of us was determined to come out on top, we acknowledged that we were working towards a common goal and helped out as best we could (even by giving each other courtesy donations).  At every obstacle, I felt myself being fueled by something other than competitive drive; an intangible influence I’ve embraced from the moment I started at headquarters.

Fundraising for President Obama’s reelection campaign reminded me that I am here because I believe in this leader’s vision for our country and trust that he will make the right decisions in carrying out that vision.  My contributors didn’t give money to my cause to see me win an office competition; they donated their resources because they, too, believe in the President’s message.  And for that, I am more grateful than for anything else.

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How Republicans Can Win Back The Hispanic Vote

Paige-Marie Greene (’13)

This article is the first installment of a point-counterpoint on the Hispanic vote in 2012.

Check back with us soon to see its companion piece.

Traditionally, conservatives have had little problem attracting Hispanic voters, who tend to be socially conservative with strong family values and religious beliefs—characteristics the Republican Party emphasizes as central to its ideology. In the 2008 Presidential election, President Obama broke this trend by claiming 67 percent of the Hispanic vote. As the 2012 Presidential Election approaches, there is ample room for debate about how this rapidly increasing population will vote in 2012. Although it seems as though Democrats will clinch the Hispanic vote once again, Republicans have a chance to reclaim this demographic, who have been loyal and essential to their base in the past, provided that they fix a few things.
First, Republicans need to take advantage of and exploit the fact that the Obama Administration has deported nearly 400,000 undocumented immigrants. This is more than any other president, including President Bush who was known during his presidency for his ‘tough on immigration’ rhetoric regarding border control. Additionally, Republicans should connect this record number to President Obama’s empty promise to pass comprehensive immigration reform, the promise which attracted the Hispanic vote to him in the first place.
Second, Republicans need to redefine their attitude on immigration reform and border control. Republican hopeful Hermain Cain’s radical suggestion to build electric fences along the United States border to deter undocumented immigrants from traveling to the United States is ludicrous and violates standards of human decency. It is essential that the other candidates begin to address the needs and preferences of the Hispanic population and rebrand their immigration plans.
Not all of the Republican candidates are at a loss with the Hispanic voting population. Take a look at Gingrich, Perry and Huntsman. Newt Gingrich has been built a Hispanic outreach organization called “Hispanic Inclusion.” He has also been using social and digital media to distribute information and news in Spanish throughout his campaign, to specifically target Hispanic voters. Additionally, he has employed Lionel Sosa as one of his top advisers, who was extensively involved in running the campaigns for George W. Bush in the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections.  Rick Perry has been extremely cooperative on immigration reform in Texas. As an advocate for the DREAM Act, Perry has allowed the children of undocumented workers to receive financial aid for college from state institutions. Finally, John Huntsman recently acquired the support of Ana Navarro, the National Hispanic Chairperson. With Navarro’s help, Huntsman hopes to galvanize support in Florida, where the Hispanic vote truly makes a difference due to its proximity to Cuba as well as its large population of agricultural workers.
Although the Republican Party is reaching out to the Hispanic community in various ways, it may not be enough to recapture the Hispanic vote from Barack Obama. With the assistance of Latino Republicans like Sosa and Navarro, the GOP can stimulate support for the Republican Party by emphasizing the importance of social values among the GOP, which Hispanics value, and recreate a new brand for the party that is sensitive to immigration and border control issues.

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The Greek Economic Crisis

Ryan Hom (’12)

The recent instability in Greece caused concern in economies worldwide, including here in the United States.  In order to fully understand the dynamics of this relationship, one must first look at the problem as a whole and the means by which Greek officials sought to solve it.  Austerity measures, including mild wage cuts, were put in place, but proved insufficient.  After putting all of this into perspective, one can start to see the broader implications in regards to the American economy.

The Greek economic problem has several root causes.  One of these is heavy government spending due to raised government wages and social programs, such as pensions and health care.  Tax evasion by Greek citizens amplified the problem; the Greek government loses nearly $30 billion every year, which is approximately 15% of the country’s GDP.  These two factors drove Greece to exceed the 3% GDP deficit ceiling established by the European bank, to a rate of 15.4% GDP.  This, in conjunction with the fact that tourism, Greece’s biggest industry which accounts for 15% of GDP, was adversely affected by the decline in the world economy, leading to a loss of confidence in the Greece’s ability to meet its debt obligations.

As a result of the loss in confidence by investors, Greek bonds were downgraded to the level of high-yield bonds.  This rating indicates a high risk of default, but also pays out greater yields, in order that they may attract more investors.  Unfortunately, loss of confidence in the Greek economy led to a domino effect, and investors started losing confidence in other European economies.  Since all Eurozone countries utilize the Euro as their primary form of currency, the lack of confidence of some Eurozone countries created a serious threat to the legitimacy and strength of the Euro.  This worried leaders that the Greek debt crisis and the ripple effects it had on other Eurozone countries, and therefore the Euro, could lead to the downfall of the European economy as a whole.

In order to remedy the problem, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Eurozone leaders, especially France and Germany, agreed to make large loans and pay off 50% of Greece’s debt owed to creditors, contingent upon Greece’s passage of a set of rather harsh austerity measures.  The austerity measures which have now been passed, call for cutting public sector wages by up to 20% and pensions by up to 40%.  Further, they call for the increase of the value-added-tax from 19% to 23% and the privatization of various public enterprises, such as the lottery, airports, Olympic venues, railways, and oil refineries.  The cuts, which have perhaps the biggest impact on the Greek citizens, have resulted in decreasing health spending by 310 million euros, with an additional 1.8 billion to be cut over the course of the following four years.  Additionally, the Greek government must trim education spending by the merging or closing of nearly 2000 schools.  As one would expect, the Greek citizens were not unhappy with the austerity measures, and rioted to make their discontent known.  The fear is that the Greek people will riot against future austerity measures, and thus deter Greek lawmakers from passing future austerity measures required for the continued support of the Greek economy, and by extension the Euro.

So how does this all affect the the United States?  The connection is really quite simple.  Greece uses the Euro as its form of currency, and the Euro is the basis of the European economy.  Thus any serious adverse economic problems that the Greek economy faces can, and in this case did, lead to adverse economic problems for the Eurozone as a whole.  Since Europe is a major trade partner of the United States, and accounts for nearly $400 billion of U.S. exports, any adverse effects on the European economy or the Euro will likely lead to a decrease in investments made by European firms.  This would thus lead to a decrease in U.S. exports and thus an overall decline in the U.S. economy, as American firms would not be able to sustain the current size of the workforce or infrastructure.  Put simply, this could result in a widespread loss in jobs, decreased profit by firms, and a decrease in the dividends paid out to American investors.   More directly, should the Greeks default on their loans and bonds, American bond investors who invested in Greek bonds could lose billions.  Therefore, one can quite clearly see the that the collapse of the Greek economy would impact the U.S. quickly and severely.

On the bright side, damage to the Euro would make the exchange rate more favorable for Americans, creating an opportunity for Americans to take a European vacation, buy a Louis Vuitton, or finally invest in that Ferrari 458 Italia…if they are surviving their own recession.

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